How is it possible that Venezuela, a country so extraordinarily hit through an imperialist blockade, just a decade of sub-versión, common examples of poor decision-making, large-scale corruption and a technical brain drain, in addition to the worker’s recent neoliberal and anti-economy changes. adding privatization and asset stripping, do you manage to keep Covid-19 rates particularly lower than those of its regional partners?
While network transmission rates, largely due to the return of more than 70,000 migrants who found themselves unemployed and without social security when the pandemic hit the continent, have brought the number of daily instances to about 1,000 in recent times, a collapse of Venezuela’s fitness system. Brazil, Ecuador, Peru or, more recently, Bolivia, has not been observed to date.
For the media that imperialism claims in the region, this is unacceptable and spits in the face of their regime-changing rhetoric, forcing them to distort, distort and decontextualize the truth once returned to correspond to their pre-established discourse. Script.
As such, we see the New York Times (19 August 2020, reprinted in the Irish Times, among others) wearing many global measures against the pandemic to publicize the notorious policy objectives of its shareholders and financiers.
One of NYT’s criticisms of Venezuela is that the Police and The National Guard are guilty of implementing their national confinement, which began on March 17 when the first instances gave the impression and in which only outlets are allowed to be opened with precedence, such as pharmacies. or outlets, the interstate is limited, schools and public places are closed and foreign borders are closed.
However, the use of police to manage locks is not unusual around the world, and in many European countries, and by distinguishing Venezuela, the NYT is simply exposing its hidden defamation program.
Another attack on Venezuela involves the structure of makeshift camps at the border, as well as the implementation of mandatory 14-day quarantine and the suppression of illegal crossings without aptitude checks, all measures and similar to those implemented through other countries. , something worthy of the Orwellian openings used.
The NYT also suggests being brutal in the face of those who violate lockdowns and endanger collective health. While some cases have been reported, the regime’s remedy for breaking locks is a two-hour police video about social duty before being sent home, away from exorbitant fines in the UK or mass arrests in other countries, and in fact does not deserve the term “dictatorial.”
Other measures not mentioned by the NYT include the normal disinfection of crowded streets and sites, strict fitness controls on public transport, and the use of controlled quarantine environments in local hospitals or state-funded hotels for inflamed people, as well as measures applied. in the latter stages of the Spanish or British pandemics.
However, there are a number of other genuine unrest faced by Venezuelans in the fight against the pandemic, which are largely overlooked through the mainstream media because their prescribed and largely disconnected narrative precedes precedent.
With Washington’s unilateral coercive measures restricting Venezuela’s to foreign bank accounts, lines of credit, and foreign assets, as well as threatening punitive measures against any public or personal entity negotiating with Caracas, the country has struggled to acquire sufficient physical care supplies, adding PCR evidence, face masks. gloves, for its population of 30 million.
Even a UN-sponsored program, which would have noticed the success of medical materials in Caracas in exchange for the country’s $1 billion gold bars seized through the Bank of England this year, has been blocked by the British government in a ruthless expression of global piracy.
As such, Venezuela with donations from the Pan American Health Organization, the World Health Organization and the United Nations, as well as industry with governments willing to challenge Washington, adding China, Turkey, Russia and Iran, and giant delegations of Cuban doctors, all of whom have helped mitigate the pandemic.
But the deterioration of curtain situations in the country, for which there is a cocktail of causal factors, coupled with external imperialist interference and internal inefficiency and corruption, are undermining these efforts.
Virtual schooling, for example, has virtually failed due to the collapse of telecommunications networks and normal power outages, leaving an entire generation uneducated, largely due to a lack of public investment in those key sectors.
Similarly, the government’s promises to cover the wages of small and medium-sized enterprises have largely evaporated, and direct premium systems have only taken a step forward in the economic scenario without offering structural solutions.
The scarcity of water and fuel caused by the deterioration of infrastructure and the lack of spare parts or high-quality materials, as well as the emerging rates of poverty and malnutrition caused by a deep economic downturn, have also infuriated the upheaval and mean that the Covid-19 epidemic will have a devastating impact, especially given the fragility of the fitness system.
For Upper Venezuelan classes, most of these disorders are resolved by throwing cash, specially allocated dollar fuel stations, own trucks or water tanks, non-public satellite connections, and even their own electric generators.
However, it is the poorest who are forced to decide between poverty and their health, regularly breaking the 40s to work, buy or use crowded public transport where the infection is ripe. Similarly, it is ordinary elegance that is forced to settle for the small amounts of soap or disinfectant it can in the current crisis of Venezuelan capitalism with its progressive inflationary effect and the fall of genuine wages.
Venezuela’s masses of people have continually demonstrated their high degrees of social field and collective organization, however, it is the department of elegance and the effect of increasingly neoliberal government policies on others that will ultimately determine the rate of national infection.
It is the effectiveness (or not) of the government’s socio-economic program that will allow Venezuelans to go home or throw them out on the street.
Finally, it is the structure of a popular correlation of forces that can put enough pressure on the state to ensure effective collective coverage of the pandemic, not the baldness printed by the NYT, which is now the biggest challenge for Venezuelans.
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