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Recent developments in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East have once again highlighted the inherent weakness of the EU’s non-unusual foreign and security policy pillar.
Turkey’s competitive policies in the Mediterranean have met with a weak EU response.At the same time, the standardization agreement between Israel and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) announced on 13 August 2020 showed the EU’s futility in a potentially significant political progression for the Middle East.East in general and by the Israeli-Palestinian confrontation in particular.
Following the announcement of the agreement between Israel and the United Arab Emirates, the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell, called this step “fundamental” to stabilizing the region as a whole.a position to work with its regional and foreign partners for “comprehensive and lasting peace for the entire region.”
Borrell described the suspension of plans for Israel’s unilateral annexation of the agreement as a step and reiterated the EU’s commitment to a negotiated and viable two-state solution and its willingness to work towards the resumption of meaningful Israeli-Palestinian negotiations.
The agreement, which was jointly announced through Israel, the United Arab Emirates and the United States, is important.The spokesman for the UAE Ministry of Foreign Affairs said it is time for “the region to demonstrate its ability to resolve the upheavals together” and that “the lack of communication with Israel has created a dead end.”
It is attractive to note that, unlike previous peace treaties, such as the one signed in 1994 between Israel and Jordan, which were not conditional on Israeli action or the Palestinian problem, the agreement between Israel and the United Arab Emirates is connected with the latter by committing Israel to the chorus of any annexation.
The agreement presents a new opportunity for the region that should not be missed, in fact it must be seized through the EU.
For too long, Brussels has issued repetitive and futile statements, the effect of which was negligible on the parties involved and in the region in general.
The disastrous combined effects of the Arab Spring, which began backward in 2010, and the coronavirus pandemic crisis, juxtaposed with a standardization procedure between Israel and the United Arab Emirates, and perhaps other Arab states, offer the EU a new historic opportunity for ambitious initiative, but what kind of initiative?
In seeking to design a primary strategy for the region, it is useful to revise the style of the 1991 Madrid Peace Conference, which was founded with a two-way approach: an Israeli-Palestinian bilateral route and a multilateral route that deserves to come with all the countries in the region that would like to join the effort for transnational disorders that cannot be otherwise resolved.
These notable problems come with water, the environment, refugees, economic cooperation and nuclear proliferation, weapons and regional security.
It is clear that, given that the EU will not be able to face these demanding situations alone, and given its duty as a neighboring region, it takes the initiative, as it did in the negotiations that led to the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, the agreement to save Iran from nuclear weapons.
In practice, this would mean involving the United States, China, Russia, other states as needed, and primary Arab states.Such launch of external umbrella assistance, accompaniment and assistance put the agreements reached into force.
This technique can be followed through a United Nations Security Council resolution, a resolution that, while not subordinating progress to one form or another, may also require Israelis and Palestinians not to replace the legal and political scenario in the West Bank.Meanwhile, the UN Security Council would monitor progress in both directions.
It’s overwhelming.
The EU will have to abandon its dogmatic and unrealistic technique to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.Since the 1980 Venice Declaration, which laid the foundations for EU policy on the Israeli-Palestinian issue, the EU has been trapped in its own uncompromising formula for resolving the conflict.
This has stifled the EU’s ability to publicize concepts and policies consistent with the two-state precept for two peoples.A new technique will need to be flexible enough for other models to achieve this goal, which would allow the EU to be an influential asset and player in the region.
The EU will have to make it clear to Palestinian leaders that by continually rejecting commitments, they threaten to be abandoned by the foreign community.
Similarly, Israel will have to be told that the foreign network supports a democratic and predominantly Jewish Israel, but that it cannot tolerate unilateral measures to eliminate the two-state solution.
In addition, the EU will have to convince Arab and Muslim states to give up their old anti-Islamic slogans.shoving field, but as a domain that needs urgent economic rehabilitation, political stability and peace.
In short, the EU uses the agreement between Israel and the UEA to relaunch its role as initiator of a vision for the Middle East based on meaningful leadership, partnerships and peace-building.
A big challenge? It certainly is. But Europe can no longer react.
Oded Eran and Shimon Stein are high-ranking ambassadors of Israel to the EU and Germany, respectively, and both are researchers at the Institute for National Security Studies.
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It leaves the Carnegie-Tsinghua Center for Global Policy online page and some other Carnegie global site.
你 将 离开 清华 – 卡内基 中心 网站, 进入 卡内基 其他 全球 中心 的 网站。