In January 2023, an organization of about fifteen other people met for three days at the Heritage Foundation, the conservative think tank in Washington, a few blocks from the Capitol. His goal was ambitious and forward-thinking: begin construction of the next Republican administration, two years before a Republican president can return to office.
First, the group’s leaders presented the initiative as independent of the candidates, with the intention of helping whoever the 2024 Republican nominee is. But there was no genuine doubt about the identity of the intended beneficiary. The team included several former members of the Trump administration, and the entire effort was aimed at addressing a perceived shortcoming of the White House: its inability to fill enough key government positions with Trump loyalists. So few people expected Trump to win in 2016 that the draft was mostly left to GOP veterans, who brought in status quo figures and never controlled how to fill some positions, leaving the president open to bureaucratic resistance that his acolytes say undermined him in each and every shift. scenario: the dreaded “Deep State”.
They were determined that this would never happen again. This time, Trump would take office with a complete and conscientiously determined leadership ready to take office. Hence the call for this new Heritage effort, Project 2025. It would come with 4 “pillars”: an 887-page political plan, a database of conservatives willing to serve in the administration, educational seminars for potential new people in government positions, and a war plan for each agency.
In recent months, Project 2025 has drawn attention for some of the most radical proposals in its policy plan, such as reinstating stricter regulations for the use of the abortion pill mifepristone and certain federal agencies. On the campaign trail, President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris made homework the centerpiece of their argument against a Trump comeback. His attacks were so effective that Trump publicly repudiated his efforts (while opting for a running mate, Ohio Senator J. D. Vance, a strong Heritage ally).
This week, as Project 2025 faced allegations from the Trump campaign, the assignment’s director, Paul Dans, resigned from his position. Trump’s campaign co-chairs Susie Wiles and Chris LaCivita said in a statement that “reports of Project 2025 being abandoned would be greatly appreciated and worthy of serving as a warning to anyone or any organization seeking to misrepresent their influence over President Trump and Your campaign will not end well for you. For Dans, it was a sudden end – or at least a pause – to a remarkable rise from obscurity.
But then again, his resignation is at least partly symbolic: The Project 2025 paintings are largely finished. In it, the task has assembled a database of more than 10,000 names (applicants chosen for their loyalty to Trump’s cause) that will be in a position to be sent to federal agencies if he wins the 2024 election. Project 2025 provided a working toolkit to create a Trump administration for the moment that would be decidedly more MAGA than the first.
The most important pillar of Project 2025 has been the workforce, not the policy. Or rather, this whole effort is driven by the Reagan-era maxim that the working body is politics, and that strength comes from having the right people in the right jobs. To that end, the plan’s maximum applicable proposal is to reinstate Annex F, a provision introduced near the end of Trump’s term and later repealed by the Biden administration, which would move up to 50,000 career workers in political positions to a new job. This category would make them much less difficult to shoot.
This is the project that brought together the other Heritage folks over those 3 days, tasked with designing the workers’ corps database that would feed into the next administration, all under the supervision of Dans, a tall, broad-shouldered guy with a slow, outstanding gaze. Way of speaking with chin and lines with a Baltimore accent.
Not long ago, Dans, 55, would have seemed like an unlikely user for the job. The son of a liberal professor at Johns Hopkins University, Dans was a New York lawyer who, prior to Trump’s election, had never worked in government. For years after that election, he had tried unsuccessfully to find a position in management, despite his connections to celebrities: His spouse was a fitness teacher to Karlie Kloss, Jared Kushner’s dapper sister-in-law. Finally, in 2019, Dans walked through the door of the Ministry of Housing and Urban Planning.
About 4 years later, there I was, hoping to form the next direction. Dans envisioned the personnel database he wanted to create as a “conservative LinkedIn. ” To help him, she showed sketches that she had made. They represented the online file of an exemplary candidate: “Betsy Ross. ” A page of it would show her profession, which of the conservative organizations supporting Project 2025 had advised her, and which agencies she was being considered for. Another would show the effects of an internal review of her application, her progress during educational sessions (which Dans called “Deep State 101”) and any “red flags. ” However, someone else would show greater control: a “web crawl” report; her functionality in the Project 2025 questionnaire, which would ask detailed questions about ideological and political beliefs; and more. The database would allow management officials to search for candidates with a specific profile to fill a specific position.
This was what Dans was looking for among the Heritage workers in the room and the technical engineers they had hired at Oracle to build: the Trump 2. 0 engine. It would be a device for the workforce not only far beyond what the first Trump administration had, but also beyond what any other administration would have enjoyed. According to one user present, the database would take several months to create and cost more than $2 million. This would break through the same old channels to attract MAGA believers from all over the country. And Dans in charge. “No one had a bigger concept than him,” the user present told me. “He drove everything. “
As the database progressed in the months that followed, Dans pointed out a detail that made the database even larger. He does not want the positions to be filled to be limited to the approximately 4,000 positions reserved for political appointments. He also wants you to recommend others for the roles recently assigned to career employees, according to the plans in Schedule F.
What drove the task has been a worldview that can easily be overlooked in the midst of Trump’s talk about restoring the happy days of his first term. Those preparing his return to the White House are not making his first term a success. Rather, they see it as a missed opportunity to put the MAGA vision into practice. For Dans, Trump’s first term was an object lesson in how complicated it is to achieve Trump’s goals without a captive bureaucracy.
The former president’s supporters are determined that at some point Trump’s administration will be much more organized than the first, equipped with infantrymen who will be unwavering and capable of moving politics forward. Dans declined to be interviewed for this article or to answer a detailed list of questions officially, but he has laid out his thinking in interviews with conservative media outlets. “We’re going to get it done in the next round,” he told Jenny Beth Martin, co-founder of the Tea Party Patriots, on her podcast last winter. And essentially, that means cleaning, he said. If a user can’t come in and fire other people immediately, what’s the point of political control?
Paul Dans grew up in the 1970s and 1980s in a circle of relatives who embodied liberal idealism. Peter Dans was a professor of medicine who had enlisted in the public fitness service; opened an STD clinic and a fitness clinic for immigrants while he was a professor at the University of Colorado; and served in the workplace of Sen. Gaylord Nelson, the Wisconsin Democrat who founded Earth Day. Paul’s mother, Colette Lizotte, was a French instructor who had previously worked as a chemist at the National Institutes of Health.
The family lived in a mountainous, leafy area north of Baltimore. Paul and his double brother, Tom, hung out with the other wise boys at Dulaney High School; They played sports and were part of the debate team. “They were both very smart kids and well-behaved,” recalls Phil Sporer, who went to school with them from a young age. “The Dans Boys were the best kids ever. “
The first indications of his political orientation occurred at the university. He went to MIT, where he majored in economics, joined a fraternity, played on the lacrosse team, and, as his classmate Juan Latasa told me, broke with the “”Political Correctness” that was gaining momentum on the elite campuses around him. 1990. “It was not easy for those students. It was a very liberal place,” Latasa said. “It was difficult. “
Dans remained at MIT to earn her master’s degree in urban planning. His thesis on the redevelopment of commercial parks, such as the Brooklyn Navy Yard, showed him still grappling with opposing impulses. There’s a Reagan-like optimism: “The myriad crises the United States will face in the coming years pale in scale compared to the nation’s valuable legacy. “But there is also a trace of resigned decline, entering an “era of reduced expectations”.
At the University of Virginia School of Law, which Dans later attended, his transformation became explicit: He joined the educational branch of the Federalist Society, the conservative network founded by Yale and University of Chicago law scholars in the 1980s, and rose through the ranks. “I was drawn to the message from the Federalist Society about how some ambitious academics rose up at Yale Law School and challenged the hegemony there and were actually looking to communicate the facts to power,” he told presenters Saurabh Sharma and Nick. Solheim last year on “Moment. ” of Truth,” a podcast produced through American Moment, a conservative organization now aligned with Project 2025.
However, Dans left little impression on his law school classmates, perhaps in part because he took an entire year to study in Paris. I contacted a few dozen of his colleagues and got an email from a Dallas attorney: “I wish I could help you, but I don’t know anything important about Paul Dans. »
Dans has become obsessed with the federal bureaucracy at home. The idealism of the 1960s brought her parents to Washington, where they met while working at the National Institutes of Health. “They were born in the JFK era, Kennedy-style, ‘Ask not what your country can do for you, but what you can do for your country,'” she told Sharma and Solheim.
In the United States, he didn’t seriously follow his parents into civil service (law school debt precluded that option, he said), but he would eventually find himself immersed in a debate that had encouraged them in the first place. They traveled to Washington during the wonderful expansion of the federal government after World War II, when the ranks of career personnel began to swell and they began to be granted more job protections, sparking a dispute that has lasted decades and continues to this day. For other defenders of bureaucracy, such protections were in the spirit of the Pendleton Act, the 1883 law that created the fashionable federal workforce, as well as merit-based employment mechanisms. But for many conservative critics and some pro-government liberals, the job protections enjoyed by federal staff in the 1960s undermined the “merit-based” nature of public service by making it harder to fire inefficient staff.
After law school, Dans chose another meritocracy and joined a wave of young lawyers in New York’s corporate legal world in the late ’90s. But Dans stood out. He is much more conservative than most of his colleagues. He’s proud to be one of the few in his construction of the Upper West Side to get the New York Post. He admired Donald Trump for bringing back a “positive spirit. . . construction on the horizon again. “
Some colleagues kept their distance, but Julio Ramos, a junior colleague at the law firm LeBoeuf, Lamb, Greene
He left after 3 years with a spouse in another giant company, Debevoise.
Dans has criticized the legal framework for what he perceives as anti-conservative discrimination. “As a profession, we’re overwhelmed with resources right now,” he said on the “Moment of Truth” podcast. “Republicans and conservatives did not oppose cancel culture and Saul Alinsky’s Marxist attacks. »
Even the moment when it was presented as his greatest triumph affirmed Dans’s departure from liberal lawyers. In 2009, she was among many lawyers hired to protect Chevron and its workers opposing a multibillion-dollar lawsuit over oil pollutants in Ecuador. According to journalist Michael Goldhaber, Dans was hired for $100 an hour, less than five percent of the most reasonable salary at Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher, which led Chevron’s defense.
As Dans later told Goldhaber, he had an epiphany: While watching the documentary “Crude,” an exposé on Chevron in Ecuador made in collaboration with the lead plaintiffs’ attorney in the case, Steven Donziger, Dans learned that excerpts of the film to be summoned to appear to see if the filmmaker caught any legal wrongdoing on Donziger’s part. He put forward the suggestion in a memo.
As it turned out, the subpoenas turned out to be overwhelming. Chevron sued Donziger in United States federal court, ultimately resulting in a ruling that the company did not have to pay the $9. 5 billion judgment. Here we come up with the theory that we can just get bits and pieces of documentary films, capturing them performing their nefarious acts on video,” he told Martin on his podcast.
According to other lawyers involved in the case, the story is more complicated: Although Dans wrote a memo suggesting that the kidnappings were the target, others initiated a subpoena campaign and found the legal basis to pursue the abductions, despite Dans’ uprising. the idea.
Once the Chevron case was over, Dans was back on his own, handling a patchwork of litigation, adding a patent war between two brands of sheet pile wall systems and a class-action lawsuit backing Frito-Lay over its allegations that some of its products were made with all-natural ingredients. Dans’ treatment only practices a letter sent to the New York Bar Association.
In the late 2000s, as President Barack Obama’s first term progressed, Dans’s conservatism began to take a new shape. He spent a lot of time online. ” I’m one of the other people sitting at their kitchen counter, you know, on the bench over there, on the stool, thinking, How is this possible?It’s crazy,” he told Martín. You click. . . you know, you update the Drudge report about a hundred times a day. “
One thing he clicked on was Trump’s conspiratorial claims about Obama’s origins: “He had some serious educational questions about a former president’s birthplace, so to speak,” he said. “The Danes were thrilled when rumors spread in 2011 that Trump would travel to New Hampshire to announce his candidacy for president. Unfortunately, this did not happen.
At the start of the first season of 2016, Dans attended a steering committee dinner for the New York Bar Section of the Federalist Society. As he later recalled Sharma and Solheim, he asked who else they supported for the presidency, and at the table the answer was, “I like Jeb. “”I love Marco. ” I love Jeb. “
In looked bewildered. There were all these New York Republicans there, and no one had yet talked about the guy who lived a few blocks away and who had that moment to run for president. Finally it was Dans’ turn. “Well, I like Trump and I think he’s going to win,” he later told Sharma and Solheim. “I like it because I’m tired of losing. “
That fall, Dans traveled to the Pittsburgh area to volunteer for Trump. He had worked on other campaigns, but none had felt like this. “There was no passion,” he told Sharma and Solheim. “We were hungry for a candidate who could speak to Americans. Array. . . Donald Trump kept his promises. ”
Trump’s appeal to Dans bordered on the tribal: he came to see himself as “a deplorable aggregation of natural blood,” as he told Sharma and Solheim, bringing up the ethnic, working-class Catholic roots of his ancestors: his paternal grandfather, born of a Spanish mother. immigrant parents, he a merchant sailor and his mother from a French-Canadian factory in Rhode Island. It doesn’t occur to her that his father was a medical professor who had raised Dans in a wealthy suburb.
When Trump won, Dans enthusiastically sent in his resume. “The next stop, you know, the Department of Justice, right? ” he told Martin years later, recalling his confidence. But no. As Sharma and Solheim also told the answer, “crickets. “
Your explanation? He MAGA too. “There were a lot of other people who were sandbagged because someone thought they were too ‘America First’ or too Trumpian,” he told Martin. Instead, he begged her to go “off the radar” as “just his shy Republican candidate. ” “Watching their accounts of this disappointment, it’s hard not to feel some sympathy for Dans, whose influence in interviews can seem wonderful or awkward, like the talkative, perhaps overly talkative, guy at the airport bar.
Finally, in late 2018, Dans came to Washington for a meeting of the Federalist Society and got in touch with James Bacon, a student who worked as a confidential assistant to Housing and Urban Development Secretary Ben Carson. With the help of Bacon and thanks to his master’s degree in urban planning, Dans nevertheless made his debut in July 2019 as a senior advisor in HUD’s Office of Planning and Community Development.
HUD’s career staff didn’t know what to make of Dans. “We were trying to understand what her role was,” one of them told me, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisal. “It’s like she barged in,” one career worker said. “She was quite contemptuous of the career staff and didn’t have much respect for why things were the way they were. ” For Dans, his arrival was a “true baptism” into the way government works. Realize that the federal government is just an avalanche of cash from various agencies,” he told Sharma and Solheim. “It’s about controlling that cash expenditure and directing it in the right way, which is what you do when you get to an agency. “
According to Dans, the problem is career painters. They were prejudiced against conservatives and ignored the adjustments sought through the duly elected administration. He also blamed designated colleagues, many of whom had no idea what the actual paintings are. He was and was willing to hand over decision-making power to career painters. “You came here and went to cocktail parties, you got birthday cakes at the workplace and, you know, maybe some ribbon cuttings, and you have to take a little trip abroad,” he told Sharma and Solheim. “And in the meantime, everything else is transmitted at the same level. “
In late 2019, the White House came close to sharing Dans’ diagnosis. James Sherk, then special assistant to the National Policy Council, began collecting purported examples of what they saw as deep state stubbornness that Trump had been able to sanction. with layoffs, adding anonymous reports from Environmental Protection Agency workers withholding data on legal matters. political appointments and the refusal of Justice Department lawyers to investigate discrimination against Asian Americans at Yale.
The latest example of perceived perfidy came in December 2019, when the House used testimony from federal officials to approve two articles of impeachment against Trump: for using the levers of force to pressure Ukraine to discredit Biden and for obstructing to Congress. Trump and the rest of his White House clique have a new determination to take more charge of recruiting.
Trump handed over the presidential staff’s office to John McEntee, his 29-year-old former private assistant who left the White House in 2018 after a background check found he posed a security threat because of his regular play. (Project 2025 adviser, has declined to comment on background checks in the past. )McEntee recruited Bacon, the student, to help restructure the staff and, looking for someone to sign up for the effort, they chose Paul Dans. had just entered the Guyagement had inspired their denunciation of the prestige quo.
In February 2020, the White House joined the Office of Personnel Management as “White House Liaison and Senior Advisor to the Director,” his eyes and ears there.
Dans, encouraged by McEntee, wasted no time. He temporarily ordered the firing of the company’s chief of staff, Jonathan Blyth, and asserted such authority within the company that its director, Dale Cabaniss, who had spent years as a Republican member of the Senate, also left. Cabaniss was replaced by an interim director, Michael Rigas, but others at the company told me that Dans was the de facto director for the rest of the year; In late 2020, he was named Chief of Staff (Rigas and Blyth did not respond to requests for comment; Cabaniss declined to comment on the record). The takeover of the personnel control system was so complete that it became a habit for Dans’ colleagues. to refer to him, McEntee and his allies as “the coup group. “
One of Dan’s first assertions of authority came at a control meeting after Cabaniss left at the start of the coronavirus pandemic. According to another Trump appointee, about 20 more people were in the convention hall of OPM headquarters near the National Mall when the agency’s chief data officer, Clare Martorana, said that, like most other agencies, it would use Zoom for online meetings.
He erupted claiming that Zoom, founded by a Chinese immigrant in the United States, posed a threat of espionage by China. Martorana greeted his outburst with “a mixture of anger, amusement and just plain stupor,” the Trump appointee recalled. He then tried to ensure that Zoom was on the list of government-approved providers and that many other agencies were employing it. This did not appease Dans.
As 2020 progressed, Dans’ colleagues became accustomed to his insistent demands, which, combined with his tall frame, can make him an intimidating presence. Dans was looking to hire as many candidates as possible in the final year of Trump’s term, and looked after the agency’s processes to move faster. “He was just dropping bombs on senior officials’ meetings,” said the appointee, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation, “and they were saying, ‘What are we supposed to do with this? He can’t talk seriously.
In October 2020, less than two weeks before the election, Trump signed an executive order creating Schedule F, the new category of career workers in key positions who would now be removed.
At OPM, Dans is engaged in a similar effort, seeking to recategorize Senior Executive Service positions (higher-ranking leadership positions in government commonly filled through career workers) into an umbrella category that would allow the president to appoint more of them. He also addressed another facet of the administration’s new focus on personnel: ensuring that OPM appointees answer comprehensive ideological questionnaires and meet to interview staff to assess their suitability for a second Trump term.
Those who dealt with Dans at OPM told me that they tried to respond as productively as possible to his requests, but that he became nervous when he was told that OPM did not have the capacity to do what he wanted. those explanations as a non-public affront. ” He questioned everything from the point of view of whether there was a conspiracy against him and against the president,” said the appointee.
His colleagues attributed his outbursts to a lack of confidence stemming from his lack of understanding of how the government works and being largely overwhelmed. “He reminded me of some of the other people who show up at Republican conventions,” said a second Republican appointee to the agency, who, like the first, spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation. “These other people show up and go home. They show up and talk, but they don’t say, “I’m on my way to do the boring job of making government sausages. ” »
Donald Devine, who led OPM during the Reagan administration and whom the Trump administration hired as an adviser during that period, insults such criticism: “If you do something, other people are going to like it, and that’s why it’s so different,” Devine told me. “Most of the other OPM executive board members didn’t do much, so other people didn’t care. He is a serious user who seeks to do serious work. You don’t see much of it, and that’s why I like it so much.
Dans’ only problem, Devine said, is that he was running out of time. “The most vital things were going to be done in the next period,” he said. “It was about time they did something before they knew how to manage staff. “”
After the election, Dans continued to work hard at OPM, even as other appointees began disappearing in the final weeks of the Trump administration. Dans has since criticized the prosecution of those involved in the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol. “What’s unfortunate is that it sends the message to other people that the government should not be criticized,” he said in an interview with C-SPAN last year.
A year and a half after arriving in Washington, Dans moved to his new home in South Carolina, near his spouse’s hometown of Charlotte, North Carolina, while she was expecting their fourth child. “I came home with the spirit of Cincinnatus: to go back to the farm. Our farm is in Fort Mill, South Carolina, in a subdivision,” he joked with Sharma and Solheim.
But then he became serious: “We are ‘God, country and family. ‘And now it’s time to put a little more emphasis on the God and family component of it all. But we’re going to be I came back for the crusade.
With the 2024 election approaching, with Trump leading Biden and then Harris in major national polls, and with Dans taking a hard look at the reshuffling of the bureaucracy that heavily influences Trump’s campaign, it seemed like the moment for Dans might really be after all. could come. On Tuesday’s episode of the “War Room” podcast, founded by former Trump strategist Steve Bannon, who is lately in the criminal field, Dans seemed triumphant. “To get that back, the swamp won’t dry up on its own,” he said. “We want foreigners to do it. . . With Project 2025, we have built a path to inspire other people to do it.
But on this same Tuesday episode of “War Room,” Dans denounced the “big disinformation campaign” underway against Project 2025, “almost a hoax. “He indexed some of the false truths Democrats had expressed about the bill’s proposals, and added Harris’ claim that it would affect Social Security. “These are absolutely false things,” he said. It’s just a big, blatant lie. »
It was evident that he took those attacks very personally, and rightly so. The Democrats’ crusade to turn the 2025 task into an albatross around Trump’s neck was successful, to the point that some kind of radical break was needed. Only a few hours after the broadcast After this episode, we learned that Dans would be retiring. “We are incredibly grateful for [In’] and for everyone’s paintings of the task of 2025 and their determination to save America,” said Heritage President Kevin Roberts.
In a memo to Heritage staff, received through the Wall Street Journal, Dans himself reported that his training assignment was largely over. “The work of this task must end with the political party nominating conventions,” he wrote. “Our painting is coming to an end lately and I plan to leave Heritage at the end of August. “
It was to save face, but it was also true in most cases. The database has been built; Educational seminars were held. This time the squad members were in a position to leave, simply waiting to be called. “From the president’s lips to God’s ears, what update will occur?It’s going down there,” President Dans said on “War Room. “”This is where it’s important to recognize: people are, in fact, the cornerstone of updating. »
Disavowal or not, the logic of Project 2025 is embedded in the DNA of Trump’s plan to reform the government. The reinstatement of Annex F remains a major element of agfinisha. Said Jacqueline Simon, director of public policy for the American Federation of Government Employees. It seems to me that the agencies could finish defining the new category of tasks so broadly that it could cover more than 50,000 posts. “It will be a purge,” he said.
Donald Moynihan, a professor of public policy at Georgetown University, doesn’t expect Trump to lay off tens of thousands of people. Throwing away just a few thousand, to give an example, would possibly be enough. “They can shoot 1,000 and kill” In this way, you have a terrified bureaucracy that still has institutional knowledge. This is the most strategic way to use Annex F, to scare another 49,000 people and bring them down. line. Sherk, the Appendix F guy, recommended it to me. “The concept that we’re going to manage another 50,000 people is just nonsense,” he said. “Why would you do that? This would undermine the ability to implement its programme. He uses it to prosecute bad actors and classify incompetent ones.
That would still pose the challenge of finding other people to fill the 4,000 vacancies, no matter how many loads or thousands of positions the layoffs create. Many Republicans who served in Trump’s first term are reluctant to take the second job. “It’s a joke and they had a real recruiting problem,” a Washington lawyer who served in George W. ‘s directorate told me. Bush and who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals against his cabinet. “Who the hell would jump into That clown car heading off a cliff?Will other quality people apply? It’s not a fucking possibility.
This is exactly Dans’ project with Project 2025: to find a whole new group of people willing to come to the capital and do the work of implementing Trump’s timeline that the same old facilities in Washington refuse to do. Is it suitable for the task?” We want to recruit the ability to get to Washington,” Dans told Martin. “Ultimately, Project 2025 is a call to action for patriots to come and serve in Washington. “
Will he himself be part of this number? According to Devine, Dans’ current defenestration is political and temporary. “Paul is too smart and wise not to,” she said. “They’ll come looking for him somewhere. ” Devine said he has spoken with Dans since his decision to resign. “Okay,” Devine said. He is fit to fight. The memo he sent [to Heritage colleagues] ends with this: “Fight! Fight! Fight!” He still sees himself as the general stage for a new elegance of Trump bureaucrats, an elegance that will gain strength if Trump wins, whether or not the effort is called Project 2025.
There is a paradox at the center of all this. He has never gone after the proverbial farmers with pitchforks, because he is aware of the complexity of the federal government’s work. At the U. S. Department of Commerce, the U. S. Department of Labor is on the hunt for other people angry enough with the state of the country to want to dedicate Donald Trump’s four years of service in Washington to confronting it, and without familiar enough with the mechanisms of government to be able to involve it. “We want a lot more Eyes and Ears, a lot more technicians in the field,” he told Sharma and Solheim.
It is an idealistic conception, in its own way, of an aggrieved and underestimated elite, in a position to be summoned to Washington. This is a lot like Paul Dans. La question is: how many others like him have been there, waiting for this?
Doris Burke contributed to the research.
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Dear Lord, this guy Dans has an ODD. More of a messianic complex, as in “He’s a real conservative. ” And only he has the vision and ability to make America a “conservative nation”, God!
This week, as allegations of Trump’s Project 2025
A force excursion article that exposes the lie that the 2025 mission has been stopped. This has been the case and the Annex F implementation plan is progressing at a steady pace.
What a loser.
It looks like this guy got the mumps vaccine.