When President Donald Trump commuted the criminal sentencing of his lifelong adviser, Roger Stone, this month, media policy sometimes lacked a critical fact: this braided act of cronyism was the culmination of a cover-up meant to hide Trump’s misdeeds. But a new e-book released this week provides more evidence of this conspiracy and provides more evidence to suggest that Trump lied to Robert Mueller, especially suggesting the Russia investigation and, in doing so, possibly would have committed a crime.
The e-book, A Case for the American People: The United States v. Donald J. Trump, was written through Norman Eisen, who was a special adviser to Trump’s political trial of Congressional Democrats. In this work, Eisen, who was in the past the ethics tsar of President Barack Obama and the U.S. ambassador to the Czech Republic, presents the internal history of the third indictment at the US hitale, detailing internal debates and conflicts between House Democrats and sharing juicy, behind the anecdotes of the trial. The e-book shows that the House Judiciary Committee first drafted a comprehensive list of 10 articles of Trump’s indictment before narrowing the case down to two articles similar to the Ukraine scandal.
In the book, Eisen harshly (but respectfully) criticizes Mueller for his “inability to stay at a distance.” He argues that Mueller has let down the republic by failing to pursue to the end a case of obstruction of justice opposed to Trump. (In his final report, Mueller presented evidence that Trump had infiltrated, however, he made no definitive conclusions and decided that, according to Justice Department policy, he did not have the authority to qualify an existing president.) Five attributable crimes were His fault, not his lack of style,” Eisen writes about Mueller. I understood his deference of yesteryear under the special regulations of lawyers and the same old prosecution criteria. But he had room to maneuver under regulations to do much, much more, and he didn’t. »
Roger Stone’s case is a case of Mueller’s abandonment, Eisen argues.
Stone was sued through Mueller’s team for mendacity of the Trump-Russia investigation Congress and for falsting witnesses. He was convicted through a jury and sentenced to 40 months of crime; Trump then removed the sentence in a time before Stone appeared before a federal criminal. Stone had lied to Congress about his efforts in the 2016 crusade to contact WikiLeaks, while the online page circulated emails and documents stolen to Democrats through Russian hackers as part of a Kremlin operation to help Trump win the White House. But the scale of Stone’s antics, and Trump’s non-public and perhaps criminal involvement, has never become a central component of the Trump-Russia story, and Eisen blames Mueller for not fully pursuing the case. In addition, Eisen reports that he and his colleagues have developed vital evidence on this front.
This is the context: when Mueller’s report was made public, key parts of his Stone segment were drafted. But careful reading, which would later be supported by evidence presented at the trial, indicated that the 2016 crusade, Trump and senior crusade officials, adding then-crusade manager Paul Manafort, attempted to use Stone as a channel to WikiLeaks to download internal dirt data on Julian Assange’s Hillary Clinton website. Mueller’s report alludes to a call Trump won at one point from Stone, in which the two discussed WikiLeaks’ plans. But it is not known when it happened, and Stone’s call was drafted when the report was first published.
The issue is damning for Trump because he showed that he and his crusade had searched for WikiLeaks data through Stone while WikiLeaks was part of a Russian operation to seek a US presidential election. Stone’s lies to Congressional investigators were intended to hide his efforts on Trump’s behalf to contact WikiLeaks. And when Trump answered Mueller’s written questions, he refused to submit to a face-to-face interview with the special defender, he said he did not remember any verbal exchanges with Stone about WikiLeaks. Therefore, neither Stone nor Trump would recognize Trump’s attempt to use Stone as a channel to or from WikiLeaks. They were both riding a blanket.
Trump-Stone’s unusual stone wall was partly undone through Rick Gates, Trump’s deputy director of crusade, who cooperated with Mueller’s investigation and was sentenced to forty-five days in prison and fined $20,000 in a series of monetary crimes and for lying to the federal government. . Researchers. Gates spoke to Mueller about Stone’s communications with Trump and The Trump campaign on WikiLeaks. (It was the main rudimentary points of Mueller’s final report that were drafted at the beginning.) Gates’ data reached Stone’s trial, and parts of Mueller’s report were not written several weeks ago. A recently unra drafted passage described Trump asking Manafort to keep in touch with Stone on WikiLeaks and for Trump to keep him informed about it. But the cover-up hasn’t worked in an unusual way. Stone said publicly, “I will never ride Donald Trump.” And Trump kept Stone a criminal.
Eisen’s e-book adds to this madness. House Judiciary Committee staff members interviewed Gates last year, and Gates detailed an example of Trump and Stone discussing WikiLeaks:
Gates told us he was with Trump in the summer of 2016 when Trump’s old friend, Roger Stone, called him and told him that WikiLeaks would post more hacked emails… With the help of fellow forensics Charlie Gayle, an intelligent and affable ex-prosecutor, we were able to identify the most likely date of the appeal: July 25, 2016, just 3 days after WikiLeaks first published pirated DNC documents. Russia’s role [in piracy] was already known. Gates described how, in the middle of the night, he was driving with Trump at a Chevy Suburban Trump Tower at LaGuardia Airport to board the crusade plane. They were still in Manhattan when Stone called Trump. Trump kept his cell phone far enough away from his ear so Gates could see Roger’s number on the screen. Trump listened to Roger, hung up and told Gates, “More data is coming,” obviously a reference to WikiLeaks. Just two days later, Trump was publicly shouting, “Russia, if you listen…”
It’s a more explicit story than the story Mueller included in his report. House staff had set a date for Trump’s verbal exchange with Stone. (It was reported in the past that this call took place on July 31, 2016). And it is significant that the call came days after WikiLeaks threw stolen curtains through Russian cyber operations. With piracy already publicly connected to Moscow, Trump privately sought to download internal WikiLeaks data about the operation because he publicly encouraged Russian hackers to do more. That’s what Trump and Stone wanted to hide: the appearance that Trump might have tried to get along or take credit for the Russia-WikiLeaks operation.
Mueller asked Trump about it in a series of written questions. But in a written response, Trump said, “I don’t remember the main points of the conversations I had with Mr. Stone between June 1, 2016 and November 8, 2016. I’m not talking about WikiLeaks with him.
Eisen thinks Trump lied to Mueller. He blames Mueller for aggressively pursuing Trump at this point:
Trump’s written responses to Mueller’s WikiLeaks are rife with “I don’t remember,” fourteen of them. Maybe Trump had forgotten Stone’s call, as it sounds … In any case, Mueller’s willingness to settle for those answers rather than insist on a face-to-face cross-connection was inadmissible.
If Trump had lied to Mueller, it would have been a crime. And changing a criminal sentence to praise a witness who does not cooperate with a federal investigation is another imaginable act of obstruction of justice. (Trump claims to have commuted the sentence because he believes Stone had been treated “unfairly”).
The Trump-Stone cover-up happened in plain sight and worked. Trump and Stone never revealed Trump’s attempt to use Stone as a link to WikiLeaks. And Stone, who lied to investigators and kept quiet about the truth, escaped punishment. However, obviously Mueller didn’t do all this to the public. As Eisen regularly observes the special suggestion in his book, “Mueller brought us very close and yet left us miles away.
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