Voting opens in India’s national elections and the national electorate appears to be increasingly interested in foreign policy. The election manifestos of three national political parties – the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Indian National Congress and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) or CPI(M) – tell the story of different ideological positions – right, center and left respectively. Each has presented conflicting visions for the electorate to decide.
The BJP, which is seeking a third consecutive term, has been at the forefront of India’s foreign policy for 10 years. Therefore, his program comprises the most comprehensive segment on foreign policy and the national security agenda. So there are more important points to discuss. The Congress, which has ruled for more than 50 years, has a rich heritage in defining and articulating the main principles of India’s foreign policy since independence and represents the main voice of the opposition. The CPI(M), on the other hand, despite a surprising decline in its electoral fortunes, occupies a critical intellectual position and has traditionally presented a left-wing ideological critique of India’s foreign policy, particularly the 2007 nuclear deal with the United States.
The BJP describes India as a “consensus builder, first responder and voice of the South”. India’s leadership at last year’s G20 should be hailed as a success. However, India’s rhetoric as “Vishwaguru” (teacher of the world), the city of Delhi speech before the G20 summit, turns out to have given way to a more toned-down rhetoric of “Vishwabandhu” (friend of the world). Notably, the term “Bharat” turns out to have replaced “India” in the official discourse, and the BJP’s manifesto promises to stick to a Bharat First foreign policy, but without the isolationist tendencies manifested in Donald Trump’s “America First” policy.
The BJP’s manifesto also includes the basic elements of Indian foreign policy, such as claiming the prestige of a permanent member on the UN Security Council, focusing on the neighbourhood, freedom of navigation in the Indian Ocean, countering terrorism, and amplifying India’s diplomatic success around the world. The commitment to the prestige quo of the India-Middle East Economic Corridor (IMEC) suggests that its announcement is not just a photo op at the G20 summit.
But surprisingly, unlike its 2019 manifesto, there is no mention of the BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multisectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation, or the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Also missing is a direct reference to Pakistan or China as the main threats to India’s security, focusing instead on non-state security threats such as terrorism and left-wing extremism. While acknowledging the need for infrastructure along the borders, there is no direct reference to China’s territorial incursions.
The most attractive component of the BJP’s manifesto is the unequivocal focus on India’s international relations of comfortable strength, with a separate subsection faithful to this theme. The current government’s achievements similar to its comfortable strength stand out one by one: its international vaccine relations, the COVID-19 pandemic; Chandrayaan-III, which has become the first lander to land at the lunar south pole; India’s role in building an International Day of Yoga and 2023 as the International Year of Millet; global acceptance of India’s virtual payment solution through UPI; and commitments such as the International Solar Alliance and the Biofuels Alliance. The manifesto credits those achievements with instilling a sense of pride not only among citizens but also among the diaspora.
In addition, the manifesto commits to Thiruvalluvar cultural centres around the world to promote India’s cultural heritage and democratic traditions. Without expressly naming the target countries, the BJP also pledged to repatriate illegally seized Indian artifacts. This civilizational angle is further highlighted through their collaborative proposal. with other countries for the recovery and renovation of representative sites of Indian heritage. Starting with the inauguration of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya in January 2024, the BJP promises to launch a global outreach program to celebrate Lord Rama’s legacy.
It is not unusual for the ruling party to highlight successes and gloss over supposed failures. This is where opposition parties are following suit.
Congress criticizes the government’s failures, adding Chinese intrusions into Ladakh and the Galwan clashes in 2020, which constitute the “biggest setbacks to Indian national security in decades. “He blames the lack of a comprehensive national security strategy and the government’s tendency to “beat their chests and make exaggerated claims. ” Congress promises to repair the prestige quoante along the Indochina border, while promising to “repair” India’s image, which it sees as broken due to the current government’s record on human rights and social intolerance. . He will return to Nehruvian principles in Indian foreign policy, assuring that he will repair ties with Nepal, Bhutan and especially the Maldives, which have been strained in recent years.
Congress and the CPI(M) accuse the government of undermining India’s commitment to an independent and non-aligned foreign policy in the Gaza conflict by siding with Israel. The CPI(M)’s complaint is more potent and is reflected in its unequivocal anti-American and anti-Israel stance, which demands the severance of all military and security ties with Israel and the withdrawal of American associations, adding the Quad, which also reaches Australia and Japan, and the I2U2, with Israel and the United Arab Emirates.
The CPI(M) also opposes the presence of foreign military bases in the Indian Ocean and the granting of permits to Indian naval, air and military facilities for the purpose of refueling and stationing in other countries. He adopted a more balanced approach with India’s neighbors, calling for seeking a negotiated settlement with China, being open to resuming negotiations with Pakistan and persuading Sri Lanka to return more powers to its Tamil-speaking regions.
Surprisingly, none of the three manifestos mentions Russia, in recognition of the embarrassment arising from Russia’s delicate position in the new global order.
It is accepted that foreign policy stands out as a rare area of bipartisan agreement, in contrast to economic or social issues that are much more debatable and dominate electoral debates. But, reflecting the importance of foreign affairs in fashionable life, those elections reveal that India’s major election political parties are emphasizing their differences in approach.
The interpreter offers in-depth research and skillful observations on the most recent foreign events, published daily through the Lowy Institute.