In June, explosions occurred in Parchin’s army and Sina At’har gym in Tehran.
In July, a series of explosions occurred, adding at Iran’s largest nuclear enrichment facility in the city of Natanz; Shahid Medhaj Zargan force station in the city of Ahvaz; oxyentic factory in the city of Baqershahr; at a missile facility belonging to Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps; at the Tondgooyan petrochemical plant, in a commercial complex near Mashad, on a pipeline in Ahvaz; and at a power plant in Isfahan province.
Also in July, a giant fire lamp exploded at a shipyard in the port city of Bushehr in southern Iran, injuring 70 others after a chlorine fuel leak at the Karoon petrochemical plant in the city of Mahshahr. An aluminum plant in the commercial town of Lamard got stuck at the lamp site and at the lamp site at a petrochemical plant in Juzestan province.
Nadimi said that if Iran believes that Israel was behind the Natanz attack—considered more serious since it targeted Iran’s nuclear program—Iran “will try to target Israel’s nuclear infrastructure or something as important because they might not be able to get to an Israeli nuclear site ‘on foot’ for a sabotage attack.”
“This time they will do anything after they perceive things,” he said of Iran.
Reacting to those mysterious occasions unfolding in Iran, Raz Zimmt, an Iran researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies, wrote on Facebook that “even if the most recent incidents are connected and even if most of them are not the result of a campaign sabotage, the greater sense of tension it is causing in Iran is putting more pressure on the government to take drastic action.
“Eventually,” Zimmt wrote, “Tehran may cave to those pressures, despite the leadership’s desire to avoid severe steps before it can recalibrate its strategy to reflect the results of the November U.S. presidential election.”
Iran has much to do right now, adding coronavirus, crippling US sanctions, a deep economic crisis, and a national foment. Then there’s the upcoming U.S. presidential election, which can see the election of Joe Biden and the ruling Democrats, a party that would be interested in appeasing Iran through existing sanctions.
“Iran understands the indication”
The Islamic Republic began violating the 2015 nuclear deal last year, centrifuging complex and storing more heavy water and enriched uranium.
The Trump administration has implemented broad economic, commercial, clinical and military sanctions opposed to Iran for its regional belligerence and non-compliance with the rules.
Behnam Ben Taleblu, principal investigator at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, where he focuses on Iranian security and political problems, told JNS that he had originally followed an Occam knife technique for reported fires and explosions, the simplest explanation probably. . to be the truest.
“At the end of June,” he said, “seriously meant that some of these explosions were simply the result of regime incompetence, too much secrecy, and bad (very few) security protocols. But by chaining the series of attacks, the theory of foreign sabotage is the ultimate logic”.
Ben Taleblu explained that from a broader perspective, “there are at least 3 of the blast sites.”
The first concerns “installations similar to these delicate missile, military or nuclear programs, such as the Natanz centrifugal production plant or the Khojir missile facility.”
The second relates to “facilities with relevance to Iranian revenue generation or raw material refinement/production,” such as the Shahid Tondgooyan Petrochemical Plant in Khuzestan, the Karoon Petrochemical Plant and Kavian Fariman Petrochemical complex.
The third relates to chimneys in services “that lose face to the regime and will require time/money/effort to deal with its effects, such as chimneys at power plants in Isfahan or Zargan or the chimney reported on boats moored in Bushehr”.
According to Ben Taleblu, “Iran understands the indication at most.”
The fact that so many important and strategic sites have exploded or gone up in flames in just a matter of weeks demonstrates to the leadership that its sensitive sites “are not as secure as the regime may have thought,” he said.
“This phenomenon has been exposed since the capture and disclosure of ‘atomic archives’ through Israel,” he said.
In a bold raid in 2018, Mossad members controlled to borrow the central archives of Iran’s nuclear army’s secret program from a warehouse outside Tehran. Records showed beyond doubt that Iran had planned to build a nuclear weapon, even when it negotiated an agreement on the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with Western leaders.
Ben Taleblu claimed that the regime was too embarrassed by such incidents to publicly admit its vulnerability or have a blataneous interaction in some form of retaliation because it will “force the regime to admit this deficiency at home, which can also cause problems.”
“In short,” he said, “Iran’s escalation characteristics are limited, but nonexistent.”
One of the most intriguing stories of the coronavirus crisis is the role of the Internet. As Americans are forced to quarantine themselves at home, at most, they turn more to the Internet for information, education, and social interactions.
The influence and audience of JNS is developing exponentially and our positioning sets us apart. Most Jewish media advocate progressive political and social agendas that are biased. JNS offers more and more readers a welcome option and an ideological approach.
During this crisis, JNS continues to work overtime. We are counting on the story of this crisis affecting Israel and the global Jewish community, and the ordinary political advances that are taking place in parallel.
Our ability to thrive in 2020 and beyond is based on the generosity of engaged readers and readers. Specific monthly donations go a long way to helping us in our operations. We greatly appreciate any contributions you can make in these difficult times. We thank you for your continuity and wish you blessings for a good physical condition and tranquility.