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China, Russia, and the U.S. are all using vaccines as diplomatic tools, giving a political dimension to other countries’ medical choices.
In January 2021, Foreign Policy published an article warning that the United States is in danger of squandering its appeal among its allies, as Russia and China approached the world with a new diplomatic instrument: coronavirus vaccines. arms sales and official visits through leaders in the catalog of diplomatic interactions, underscoring the paramount importance of vaccine progress today.
Creating a COVID-19 vaccine can be regarded as a testimony to the effectiveness of a country’s health care system, its technological development, and the sophistication of its scientific research. Great powers China, Russia, and the United States from the very beginning attributed huge diplomatic value to pioneering the global rollout of their vaccines. U.S. media particularly underscored the fact that Russia and China were seeking to expand their global influence via COVID-19 vaccines.
In August 2020, Russia claimed to have registered the first COVID-19 vaccine, dubbed Sputnik V, after two months of laboratory testing. Officials, however, have the efficacy of the Russian vaccine, calling it “Russian roulette” because of the limited time needed for its development. Russia responded critically to the comments by Western media and officials, accusing them of “slandering [Russian] achievements in the global race to defeat COVID-19” and waging a “disinformation war against Russia. “
On November 9, the American company Pfizer was the first to publish data on the effectiveness of its vaccine, which exceeded 90%. Two days later, Russia also released data from its trials with the same result, although with inferior study statistics (the comparison was made (20 recorded infections compared to 94 in Pfizer’s trials). Russia has faced complaints worlds for trying to stay in the vaccine race by any means necessary.
At the BRICS summit in November, Russian President Vladimir Putin publicly touted the maximum efficacy of Sputnik V and called on the forum’s partners to participate in the joint production and distribution of the vaccine. In January 2021, to inspire mass inoculation of the Russian vaccine on a global scale, Putin called Sputnik V “the world’s. “
China was one of the first countries to start developing vaccines, with five prototypes reaching the third phase of clinical trials. Xinhua, China’s state-run news agency, highlighted the claim that Chinese-made vaccines would appeal to “global audiences. “good,” he later added that vaccines would be distributed at a moderate cost in emerging countries.
How has this played out in practice? Unsurprisingly, a country’s preference in diplomatic partners has a big influence on whethere it sources its vaccines from China, Russia, or the United States.
Indonesia and the Philippines are touting the Chinese Sinovac vaccine, while Vietnam and Malaysia are considering using Chinese vaccines. Brazil and Uzbekistan are simultaneously opting for vaccines from Russia and China.
Sputnik V’s largest customer is India, with 100 million doses ordered as of January 13, followed by Mexico with 32 million doses ordered, and then Egypt and Nepal, both with orders of 25 million. In January 2021, Russia announced that one billion international orders have been placed for Sputnik V in a bid to highlight its popularity and potential.
Meanwhile, the U.S. pharmaceutical producer Pfizer is reported to be supplying 14 percent of the global population with vaccines after the majority of the world’s richest countries opted for its shots. Customers include some of the United States’ long-standing allies: Canada with a purchase of 40 million doses, the EU with 200 million doses, and the U.K. with 40 million doses.
It should be noted that the race for “international vaccine relations” is not just the realm of the global festival for power; Regional powers are also getting on board. India has recently made global headlines with its so-called “vaccine friendship” aimed at courting South Asian countries amid an intense festival with China’s developing regional dominance. India has directed locally produced doses of the AstraZeneca vaccine to Bhutan. Nepal, Bangladesh, Maldives, Myanmar, Mauritius and Seychelles. India’s international relations on vaccines come amid border tensions with China, compounded by recent clashes in Sikkim.
It is true that the geographical distribution of vaccines is not based on practical calculations or diplomatic preferences. Some media outlets have pointed out that the value justifies countries that have selected the less expensive Russian and Chinese vaccines over the more expensive U. S. vaccines. However, while the Russian and Chinese vaccines (around $10 and $14 per shot, respectively) cost less than Pfizer’s option, they are more expensive than the $3 AstraZeneca vaccine jointly developed by the University of Oxford and widely used in the UK. Of course, getting paid isn’t the only thing.
Russia and China will remain committed to their diplomatic rhetoric of multilateralism and their promises to supply competitively priced vaccines around the world. China is part of the COVAX Global Vaccine Partnership, which aims to make vaccines more available to less developed countries. The U. S. recently expressed its support for the move, along with one of President Joe Biden’s first orders to return the country to the World Health Organization. Given the new president’s goal of focusing more on reinvigorating allied networks and “re-engaging with the world,” as emphasized in his inaugural address, the United States will continue to compete in politically motivated vaccine diplomacy.
However, with the Biden administration’s focus on combating the pandemic at home the global rollout of U.S. vaccines may slow down. Even though the Biden administration, in a clear contrast to its predecessor, is set to make anti-COVID-19 drugs globally available, the alarming domestic shortage of the United States’ flagship vaccine will make it almost impossible for Washington to speed up the global rollout in the short term. Chinese state media have highlighted this fact, with a prime news program emphasizing that “many places in the U.S. are currently facing vaccine shortages.”
The vaccine race has not only become a new domain for China-Russia and U.S. strategic competition, but once again proved the effectiveness of the Moscow-Beijing partnership. In addition to their separate efforts, Russia and China are also exploring a new dimension of cooperation: the collaborative development of a COVID-19 vaccine and the exchange of research results and data from clinical trials. From the very beginning, Moscow and Beijing have been in a close contact over vaccine development; they successfully adopted a “one team mindset” on COVID-19. In August 2020, both states agreed to set up a joint laboratory for COVID-19 research. Such a collaboration may prove crucial in the future, with more global pandemics expected by experts.
Danil Bochkov is an expert at the Russian International Affairs Council. He earned his Master of Economics at MGIMO-University under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia. He also has a master’s degree in world economy from the University of International Business and Economics (UIBE, Beijing). He tweets at @danil_bochkov
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In January 2021, Foreign Policy published an article warning that the United States is in danger of squandering its appeal among its allies, as Russia and China approached the world with a new diplomatic instrument: coronavirus vaccines. arms sales and official visits through leaders in the catalog of diplomatic interactions, underscoring the paramount importance of vaccine progress today.
Creating a COVID-19 vaccine can be regarded as a testimony to the effectiveness of a country’s health care system, its technological development, and the sophistication of its scientific research. Great powers China, Russia, and the United States from the very beginning attributed huge diplomatic value to pioneering the global rollout of their vaccines. U.S. media particularly underscored the fact that Russia and China were seeking to expand their global influence via COVID-19 vaccines.
In August 2020, Russia claimed to have registered the first COVID-19 vaccine, called Sputnik V, after two months of laboratory testing. However, U. S. officials have cast doubt on the efficacy of the Russian vaccine, calling it “Russian roulette” due to the limited time for its development. Russia responded critically to the comments by Western media and officials, accusing them of “slandering [Russian] achievements in the global race to defeat COVID-19” and waging a “disinformation war against Russia. “
On November 9, the American company Pfizer was the first to publish data on the effectiveness of its vaccine, which exceeded 90%. Two days later, Russia also released data from its trials with the same result, although with inferior study statistics (the comparison was made (20 recorded infections compared to 94 in Pfizer’s trials). Russia has faced complaints worlds for trying to stay in the vaccine race by any means necessary.
At the BRICS summit in November, Russian President Vladimir Putin publicly touted the maximum efficacy of Sputnik V and called on the forum’s partners to participate in the joint production and distribution of the vaccine. In January 2021, to inspire mass inoculation of the Russian vaccine on a global scale, Putin called Sputnik V “the world’s. “
China was one of the first countries to start developing vaccines, with five prototypes reaching the third phase of clinical trials. Xinhua, China’s state-run news agency, highlighted the claim that Chinese-made vaccines would appeal to “global audiences. “good,” he later added that vaccines would be distributed at a moderate cost in emerging countries.
How did this translate into practice? Unsurprisingly, a country’s preference for diplomatic partners has a large influence on its vaccine resources from China, Russia or the United States.
Indonesia and the Philippines are promoting China’s Sinovac vaccine, while Vietnam and Malaysia are contemplating Chinese vaccines. Brazil and Uzbekistan are opting for Russian and Chinese vaccines at the same time.
Sputnik V’s largest customer is India, with one hundred million doses ordered as of January 13, followed by Mexico with 32 million doses ordered, and then Egypt and Nepal, both with orders of 25 million. In January 2021, Russia announced that one billion international orders for Sputnik V have been placed in a bid to highlight its popularity and potential.
Meanwhile, U. S. pharmaceutical manufacturer Pfizer is reportedly supplying vaccines to 14% of the world’s population after most of the world’s wealthiest countries opted for its vaccines. The customers come with some of America’s longtime allies: Canada procuring 40 million doses. , the EU with two hundred million doses and the United Kingdom with 40 million doses.
It should be noted that the race for “international vaccine relations” is not just the realm of the global festival for power; Regional powers are also getting on board. India has recently made global headlines with its so-called “vaccine friendship” aimed at courting South Asian countries amid an intense festival with China’s developing regional dominance. India has directed locally produced doses of the AstraZeneca vaccine to Bhutan. Nepal, Bangladesh, Maldives, Myanmar, Mauritius and Seychelles. India’s international relations on vaccines come amid border tensions with China, compounded by recent clashes in Sikkim.
It is true that the geographical distribution of vaccines is not based on practical calculations or diplomatic preferences. Some media outlets have noted that value justifies countries selecting the less expensive Russian and Chinese vaccines over the more expensive American vaccines. However, while the Russian and Chinese vaccines (about $10 and $14 per shot, respectively) cost less than the Pfizer option, they are more expensive than the $3 AstraZeneca vaccine co-developed by Oxford University and widely used in the United Kingdom. Obviously, getting paid is not the only thing.
Russia and China will remain committed to their diplomatic rhetoric of multilateralism and their promises to supply competitively priced vaccines around the world. China is part of the COVAX global vaccine component, which aims to make vaccines more available to less developed countries. The U. S. recently expressed support for the initiative, along with one of President Joe Biden’s first orders for the country to return to the World Health Organization. Given the new president’s goal of focusing more on reinvigorating allied networks and “reengaging with the world,” as he defined it in his inaugural address, the United States will continue to compete in politically motivated vaccine diplomacy.
However, with the Biden administration’s focus on combating the pandemic at home the global rollout of U.S. vaccines may slow down. Even though the Biden administration, in a clear contrast to its predecessor, is set to make anti-COVID-19 drugs globally available, the alarming domestic shortage of the United States’ flagship vaccine will make it almost impossible for Washington to speed up the global rollout in the short term. Chinese state media have highlighted this fact, with a prime news program emphasizing that “many places in the U.S. are currently facing vaccine shortages.”
Not only does the vaccine race have a new strategic festival dominance between China, Russia and the United States, but it has also once again demonstrated the effectiveness of the Moscow-Beijing partnership. In addition to their separate efforts, Russia and China are also exploring a new dimension of cooperation: the collaborative progression of a COVID-19 vaccine and the sharing of clinical trial studies, effects, and knowledge. From the beginning, Moscow and Beijing have been in close contact about the progression of a vaccine; they have effectively followed a “one-team mentality” in the face of COVID-19. In August 2020, the two states agreed to identify a joint laboratory for COVID-19 studies. This collaboration may prove to be very important in the future. as experts expect more global pandemics.
Danil Bochkov is an expert at the Russian International Affairs Council. He earned his Master of Economics at MGIMO-University under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia. He also has a master’s degree in world economy from the University of International Business and Economics (UIBE, Beijing). He tweets at @danil_bochkov
In January 2021, Foreign Policy published an article warning that the United States is in danger of squandering its appeal among its allies, as Russia and China approached the world with a new diplomatic instrument: coronavirus vaccines. arms sales and official visits through leaders in the catalog of diplomatic interactions, underscoring the paramount importance of vaccine progress today.
The creation of a COVID-19 vaccine can be seen as a testament to the power of a country’s healthcare system, its technological development, and the sophistication of its clinical research. From the beginning, the major powers of China, Russia, and the United States have placed an immense diplomatic price tag on pioneering the global rollout of their vaccines. The media has particularly highlighted the fact that Russia and China are looking to expand their global influence with COVID-19 vaccines.