One of Argentina’s most sensible neuroscientists has been cautious for a few months about the intellectual fitness effects of the global coronavirus pandemic and the extent of blockages and quarantines. Symptoms of depression have multiplied in other areas of the population, younger people seem to be more affected – while long-term anxiety, due in component to a greater sense of fear, will have an extended social and economic cost Lack of social contact, containment and an existing state of alertness given extended panic causes anxiety and cognitive wear and tear in our population , which makes long-term recovery even more uncertain, obviously this is evident among those who have daily jobs in those covid-19 times, especially political leaders, entrepreneurs, hounds and others who have componentfully increased their workload. sleep, abstinence from meals, increased addiction and other troubling behaviors only exacerbate “exhaustion” syndrome in these people.
The feeling that the end is near is a direct result of the slow but coherent breakdown of political consensus between the ruling coalition and the opposition. As explained above, the inherent tensions between the ruling Front of All and the coalitions opposed together for Change check the boundaries of Argentina’s major political factions. President Fernández built his presidential candidacy on the concept of being a pragmatic consensus builder, who characterized his technique in the face of the pandemic, building a triumvirate with the mayor of horacio Rodríguez Larreta and the governor of the province of Buenos Aires, Axel Kicillof. . To some extent, Kicillof represented the most radicalized component of the ruling coalition, while Albert absorbed the moderates. Rodríguez Larreta, a centrist within the organization that responds to former President Mauricio Macri, had the de facto leader of the opposition. The internal falcons of each coalition brought their leaders closer to the fringe elements, but the moderates prevailed. And the triumvirate has achieved the highest approval ratings in the country, with President Fernandez in first place even among Macri’s voters.
All of this turns out to have been replaced in a few weeks, no more than a month and a half. A series of decisions made through Fernandez-Fernandez’s management alienated the opposition, allowing the falcons of any of the coalitions to dominate the political arena. The expropriation of agricultural giant Vicentín has raised fears of a new confrontation with the only competitive sector of argentina’s economy (at least the only one capable of generating dollars via export). A last-second emergency decree pointing to the telecommunications sector as a public service put the government on a direct collision course with the country’s toughest media group, the Clarón Group, and also prompted an angry rebuttal from the U. S. Chamber of Commerce. Kirchner, it is in process Finally, the judicial reform that the President promised in his opening confrontation has become so politicized that he has realized through opposition – and much of society – as a plan to vaccinate Ms Fernandez de Kirchner and her young people with a potential time in prison.
Whether judicial reform has technical merit or not, and although all agree that Argentina’s judicial formula is absolutely twisted, it has allowed the opposition to take to the streets and make its voice heard, in its own words, to “protect the republic. “While Larreta ran diligently to build a relationship with Alberto Fernández, Macri and his elected leader to the finger of his PRO party, former security minister Patricia Bullrich, pushed supporters who call for freedom and respect for the institutions, and strained the political use of the judiciary opposed them as proof that Cristina “goes for everything”. They feed on a long history of “anti-peronism” that unfolds to come with more excessive sectors, adding right-wing libertarians, some of which even protect the brutal dictatorships of the army from 1976-1983. At the same time, Eduardo Duhalde, a supposedly “interim” former president, took a media tour to recommend that a military coup be organized through the “anti-communist”.
The political trick he has so well painted in the afterlife is to redo the paintings, draw and outline the lines of war before next year’s mid-term elections. In the present, however, it is destroying an indispensable economic recovery. It was already difficult to believe how Argentina would generate a loop of positive comments adding up production, intake and exports, as the Minister of Production, Matas Kulfas, says, no matter how many pesos the president of the Central Bank, Miguel Angel Pesce, and the plan that Guzman possibly proposes, none. This will be reflected if the biggest challenge in the calendar is, once again, an ideological divide. However, there is a ray of hope, if moderates win this.
This article was originally published in the Buenos Aires Times, Argentina’s only English-language newspaper.
Former Forbes trained in Latin America, with delight in markets and rich list teams, lately I am the virtual director of Editorial Profile, one of the largest
A former Forbes expert in Latin America, with delight in richlist markets and teams, lately I am the virtual director of Editorial Perfil, one of the largest media companies in Argentina. With experience in sociology, philosophy and economics, I am a skeptic trained with a critical eye aimed at Argentina, Latin America and technology. I am also executive director of the Buenos Aires Times, Argentina’s only English-language newspaper.