Thousands of money-filled letters flooded Jonas Salk’s mailbox the week after his polio vaccine was declared and effective in 1955. Everyone was looking for his vaccine. Desperate parents blocked doctors’ phone lines in search of valuable elixir; pharmaceutical corporations and doctors diverted doses to the rich and famous.
Some of the first batches of vaccine were disastrously damaged, leading to two hundred cases of permanent paralysis. This has slightly affected the public’s preference for prevention. Marlon Brando even asked to play Salk in a film.
Eight years later, as polio threatened to go away, the first measles vaccines went on sale. Measles killed more than 400 young people last year and caused permanent brain damage to thousands more. Interest in the modest vaccine. Its creator, Maurice Hilleman, never worshipped him as Salk.
“People thought, “What’s the problem? I had measles; Why does my child want a vaccine? “It’s a very complicated sale,” said Walter Orenstein, a professor at Emory University who led the National Immunization Program at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention from 1988 to 2004.
When a coronavirus vaccine is available, will it be received with a large ovation, such as the polio vaccine, or a networked yawn, such as the measles vaccine? Or a strange hybrid of the two? Americans’ confidence in authority, affordable access to the vaccine, and a sense of solidarity will be the result, Orenstein and other veterans and public fitness historians said.
Subscribe to KHN’s short morning report.
Perceptions of specific diseases – and vaccines – reflect the severity of diseases themselves, yet popular values, culture, human threat assessment and policies play a vital role. Acceptance of public aptitude measures, whether masks or vaccines, is never fully decided through a rational balance between threats and benefits.
We can see this in the history of national campaigns of new vaccines to defeat a scourge. No disease was more feared in the mid-20th century than polio. With the imaginable exception of AIDS, no disease has been so feared since the arrival of COVID-19.
The polio vaccine is one of the few people that the public enthusiastically received. Diseases such as measles and whooping cough were family situations in childhood. Most years killed younger than polio, but polio, which put others in their lungs and iron braces in their legs, in a visual way than a child’s death certificate, hidden in a drawer, may never be.
Vaccines are sometimes difficult to sell because they save you rather than cure diseases and seem scary even if they’re sometimes pretty safe. Because vaccines will have to be widely used to prevent epidemics, the good luck of immunization campaigns is largely based on accepting those who sell, present, and administer medicines as true. And accepting as true in science, government and business has not been constant.
In the late 1800s and early 1900s, when public fitness legislation was changing, the government battling smallpox epidemics sent vaccinators to the police to enforce the coup. They entered the factories where cases had been reported, locked the doors and moved staff to a vaccination line. The resistance of the staff was not undeserved; the vaccine has infrequently caused swelling of the arms, fever and bacterial infections. Vaccination can charge a week’s salary.
The government had learned its lesson in the 1920s, when the diphtheria vaccine came on the scene, as James Colgrove points out in his e-book “State of Immunity: The Politics of Vaccination in the United States of the 20th Century.” Diphtheria was a much feared child killer, and advertising campaigns through public fitness officials, insurance companies and charities sought to teach and convince you to coerce.
Polio terrified Americans and peaked in 1952 with more than 57,000 cases. In 1938, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, himself in poor health due to polio, had introduced a national clinical program to combat the disease, supported by millions of U.S. contributions through March of Ten Pennies.
The result of this national search brought jonas Salk’s inactivated polio vaccine into the government and people. This cemented strong post-World War II confidence in the American clinical and medical status quo that would last for many years.
Social solidarity is important.
Vaccines save you the flow of disease among other unvaccinated people through what scientists call collective immunity, if enough people are vaccinated. When a reliable rubella vaccine was available in 1969, states temporarily demanded vaccination of children, although rubella was virtually innocent in children. They then sought to protect a vulnerable population, pregnant women, to avoid a repeat of the congenital rubella epidemic of 1963-64, which resulted in 30,000 fetal deaths and the birth of more than 20,000 babies with severe disabilities.
The adoption of the rubella vaccine, as historian Elena Conis of the University of California, Berkeley points out in her book, “Vaccine Nation: America’s Changing Relationship With Immunization,” marked the first time that a vaccine deployed without any direct advantage for those who were vaccinated.
However, Orenstein and his colleagues at the CDC and state public fitness agencies required a mixture of fear, solidarity, and coercion to increase immunization rates during the years of training against measles, whooping cough, rubella, and diphtheria to 90% or more in the United States. 1990 to collective immunity.
Shame is also a tool. Orenstein recalled testifying before the Florida Legislature while underweighting a stricter vaccination mandate. He showed them that sickness rates were declining in neighboring states with stricter mandates. Worked.
What else now? In a politically divided nation, confidence in science is low and experts are cautious, more politicians. Immunization efforts for young people are already being attacked by a large number of undecided parents. And efforts to combat the COVID epidemic in the United States have been clumsy and chaotic at best, leaving Americans doubting the competence of their governments and institutions.
There’s still fear. “Possibly it would be an outdated fool, but I think many other people will appreciate a vaccine, if the launch is well done,” said David Oshinsky, a history professor at New York University and “Polio: An American Story,” a Pulitzer Prize-winning story. “Most people are desperately afraid of COVID. A minority mocks the nose, many for political reasons. How will you replace that when there is a vaccine that [hopefully] adjusts the fitness threat equation to a certain extent?”
Recent polls show that only a portion of Americans are determined to be vaccinated against COVID-19. These numbers can be replaced depending on a series of points that are difficult to predict, Berkeley’s Conis said.
“A lot of other people will be looking ahead to get it,” he said. “Many will hesitate, not only for misinformation, but also for a lack of confidence in the current administration.”
When a coronavirus vaccine is introduced, it can be sold as individual protection, even for young and healthy people. But those who suffer the most from the virus are older or sicker. An effective vaccination crusade can be useful in instilling a sense of solidarity or altruism, as well as a more general feeling than without vaccination, the economy cannot recover.
“I don’t know if other people settle for this solidarity,” Orenstein said. “People are looking more for what is smart for themselves than what is smart for society.” That said, the threat of COVID-19 to other young people “is not zero”. That’s one of the main tactics to sell that, in a sense. “
This KHN story was first published on California Healthline, a service of the California Health Care Foundation.
Share this story:
Thousands of money-filled letters flooded Jonas Salk’s mailbox the week after his polio vaccine was declared and effective in 1955. Everyone was looking for his vaccine. Desperate parents blocked doctors’ phone lines in search of valuable elixir; pharmaceutical corporations and doctors diverted doses to the rich and famous.
Some of the first batches of vaccine were disastrously damaged, leading to two hundred cases of permanent paralysis. This has slightly affected the public’s preference for prevention. Marlon Brando even asked to play Salk in a film.
Eight years later, as polio threatened to go away, the first measles vaccines went on sale. Measles killed more than 400 young people last year and caused permanent brain damage to thousands more. Interest in the modest vaccine. Its creator, Maurice Hilleman, never worshipped him as Salk.
“People thought, “What’s the problem? I had measles; Why does my child want a vaccine? “It’s a very complicated sale,” said Walter Orenstein, a professor at Emory University who led the National Immunization Program at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention from 1988 to 2004.
When a coronavirus vaccine is available, will it be received with a large ovation, such as the polio vaccine, or a networked yawn, such as the measles vaccine? Or a strange hybrid of the two? Americans’ confidence in authority, affordable access to the vaccine, and a sense of solidarity will be the result, Orenstein and other veterans and public fitness historians said.
Thousands of money-filled letters flooded Jonas Salk’s mailbox the week after his polio vaccine was declared and effective in 1955. Everyone was looking for his vaccine. Desperate parents blocked doctors’ phone lines in search of valuable elixir; pharmaceutical corporations and doctors diverted doses to the rich and famous.
Some of the first batches of vaccine were disastrously damaged, leading to two hundred cases of permanent paralysis. This has slightly affected the public’s preference for prevention. Marlon Brando even asked to play Salk in a film.
Eight years later, as polio threatened to go away, the first measles vaccines went on sale. Measles killed more than 400 young people last year and caused permanent brain damage to thousands more. Interest in the modest vaccine. Its creator, Maurice Hilleman, never worshipped him as Salk.
“People thought, “What’s the problem? I had measles; Why does my child want a vaccine? “It’s a very complicated sale,” said Walter Orenstein, a professor at Emory University who led the National Immunization Program at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention from 1988 to 2004.
When a coronavirus vaccine is available, will it be received with a large ovation, such as the polio vaccine, or a networked yawn, such as the measles vaccine? Or a strange hybrid of the two? Americans’ confidence in authority, affordable access to the vaccine, and a sense of solidarity will be the result, Orenstein and other veterans and public fitness historians said.
Perceptions of specific diseases – and vaccines – reflect the severity of diseases themselves, yet popular values, culture, human threat assessment and policies play a vital role. Acceptance of public aptitude measures, whether masks or vaccines, is never entirely decided through a rational balance between threats and benefits.
We can see this in the history of national campaigns of new vaccines to defeat a scourge. No disease was more feared in the mid-20th century than polio. With the imaginable exception of AIDS, no disease has been so feared since the arrival of COVID-19.
The polio vaccine is one of the few people that the public enthusiastically received. Diseases such as measles and whooping cough were family situations in childhood. Most of the years killed younger than polio, but polio, which put others in their lungs and braces for their legs, in a visual way that a child’s death certificate, hidden in a drawer, may never be.
Vaccines are sometimes difficult to sell because they save you rather than cure diseases and seem scary even though they’re sometimes pretty safe. Because vaccines will have to be widely used to prevent outbreaks, successful vaccination campaigns rely heavily on being accepted as true among those who sell, present, and administer medicines. And accepting as true in science, government and business has not been constant.
In the late 1800s and early 1900s, when public fitness legislation was changing, the government battling smallpox epidemics sent vaccinators to the police to enforce the coup. They entered the factories where cases had been reported, locked the doors and moved staff to a vaccination line. The resistance of the staff was not undeserved; the vaccine has infrequently caused swelling of the arms, fever and bacterial infections. Vaccination can charge a week’s salary.
The government had learned its lesson in the 1920s, when the diphtheria vaccine came on the scene, as James Colgrove points out in his e-book “State of Immunity: The Politics of Vaccination in the United States of the 20th Century.” Diphtheria was a much feared child killer, and advertising campaigns through public fitness officials, insurance companies and charities sought to teach and convince you to coerce.
Polio terrified Americans and peaked in 1952 with more than 57,000 cases. In 1938, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, himself in poor health due to polio, had introduced a national clinical program to combat the disease, supported by millions of U.S. contributions through March of Ten Pennies.
The result of this national search brought jonas Salk’s inactivated polio vaccine into the government and people. This cemented strong post-World War II confidence in the American clinical and medical status quo that would last for many years.
Social solidarity is important.
Vaccines save you the flow of disease among other unvaccinated people through what scientists call collective immunity, if enough people are vaccinated. When a reliable rubella vaccine was available in 1969, states temporarily demanded vaccination of children, although rubella was virtually innocent in children. They tried to protect a vulnerable population, pregnant women, to prevent a repeat of the congenital rubella epidemic of 1963-1964, which resulted in 30,000 fetal deaths and the birth of more than 20,000 babies with severe disabilities.
The adoption of the rubella vaccine, as historian Elena Conis of the University of California, Berkeley points out in her book, “Vaccine Nation: America’s Changing Relationship With Immunization,” marked the first time a vaccine was implemented that had no direct advantages in obtaining these individuals. who have been vaccinated.
However, a mixture of fear, solidarity and coercion was needed so that Orenstein and his colleagues at the CDC and state fitness agencies could carry immunization rates during the years of training against measles, whooping cough, rubella and diphtheria to 90% or more in the 1990s. collective immunity.
Shame is also a tool. Orenstein recalled testifying before the Florida Legislature while underweighting a stricter vaccination mandate. He showed them that sickness rates were declining in neighboring states with stricter mandates. Worked.
What else now? In a politically divided nation, confidence in science is low and experts are cautious, more politicians. Immunization efforts for young people are already being attacked by a large number of undecided parents. And efforts to combat the COVID epidemic in the United States have been clumsy and chaotic at best, leaving Americans doubting the competence of their governments and institutions.
There’s still fear. “Possibly it would be an outdated fool, but I think many other people will appreciate a vaccine, if the launch is well done,” said David Oshinsky, a history professor at New York University and “Polio: An American Story,” a Pulitzer Prize-winning story. “Most people are desperately afraid of COVID. A minority mocks the nose, many for political reasons. How will you replace that when there is a vaccine that [hopefully] adjusts the fitness threat equation to a certain extent?”
Recent polls show that only a portion of Americans are determined to be vaccinated against COVID-19. These numbers can be replaced depending on a series of points that are difficult to predict, Berkeley’s Conis said.
“A lot of other people will be looking ahead to get it,” he said. “Many will hesitate, not only for misinformation, but also for a lack of confidence in the current administration.”
When a coronavirus vaccine is introduced, it can be sold as individual protection, even for young and healthy people. But those who suffer the most from the virus are older or sicker. An effective vaccination crusade can be useful in instilling a sense of solidarity or altruism, as well as a more general feeling than without vaccination, the economy cannot recover.
“I don’t know if other people settle for this solidarity,” Orenstein said. “People are looking more for what is smart for themselves than what is smart for society.” That said, the threat of COVID-19 to other young people “is not zero”. That’s one of the main tactics to sell that, in a sense. “
Perceptions of specific diseases – and vaccines – reflect the severity of diseases themselves, yet popular values, culture, human threat assessment and policies play a vital role. Acceptance of public aptitude measures, whether masks or vaccines, is never fully decided through a rational balance between threats and benefits.
We can see this in the history of national campaigns of new vaccines to defeat a scourge. No disease was more feared in the mid-20th century than polio. With the imaginable exception of AIDS, no disease has been so feared since the arrival of COVID-19.
The polio vaccine is one of the few people that the public enthusiastically received. Diseases such as measles and whooping cough were family situations in childhood. Most years killed younger than polio, but polio, which put others in their lungs and iron braces in their legs, in a visual way than a child’s death certificate, hidden in a drawer, may never be.
Vaccines are sometimes difficult to sell because they save you rather than cure diseases and seem scary even though they’re sometimes pretty safe. Because vaccines will have to be widely used to prevent outbreaks, immunization campaigns for success rely heavily on being accepted as true among those who sell, propose, and administer medicines. And accepting as true in science, government and business has not been constant.
In the late 1800s and early 1900s, when public fitness legislation was changing, the government battling smallpox epidemics sent vaccinators to the police to enforce the coup. They entered the factories where cases had been reported, locked the doors and moved staff to a vaccination line. The resistance of the staff was not undeserved; the vaccine has infrequently caused swelling of the arms, fever and bacterial infections. Vaccination can charge a week’s salary.
The government had learned its lesson in the 1920s, when the diphtheria vaccine came on the scene, as James Colgrove points out in his e-book “State of Immunity: The Politics of Vaccination in the United States of the 20th Century.” Diphtheria was a much feared child killer, and advertising campaigns through public fitness officials, insurance companies and charities sought to teach and convince you to coerce.
Polio terrified Americans and peaked in 1952 with more than 57,000 cases. In 1938, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, himself in poor health due to polio, had introduced a national clinical program to combat the disease, supported by millions of U.S. contributions through March of Ten Pennies.
The result of this national search brought jonas Salk’s inactivated polio vaccine into the government and people. This cemented strong post-World War II confidence in the American clinical and medical status quo that would last for many years.
Social solidarity is important.
Vaccines prevent the flow of disease among other unvaccinated people through what scientists call collective immunity if enough people are vaccinated. When a reliable rubella vaccine was available in 1969, states temporarily demanded vaccination of children, although rubella was virtually innocent in children. They sought to protect a vulnerable population – pregnant women – to prevent a repeat of the congenital rubella epidemic of 1963-1964, which resulted in 30,000 fetal deaths and the birth of more than 20,000 babies with severe disabilities.
The adoption of the rubella vaccine, as historian Elena Conis of the University of California, Berkeley points out in her book, “Vaccine Nation: America’s Changing Relationship With Immunization,” marked the first time a vaccine was implemented that had no direct advantages in obtaining these individuals. who have been vaccinated.
However, Orenstein and his colleagues at the CDC and state public fitness agencies required a mixture of fear, solidarity, and coercion to increase immunization rates during the years of training against measles, whooping cough, rubella, and diphtheria to 90% or more in the United States. 1990 to collective immunity.
Shame is also a tool. Orenstein recalled testifying before the Florida Legislature while underweighting a stricter vaccination mandate. He showed them that sickness rates were declining in neighboring states with stricter mandates. Worked.
What else now? In a politically divided country, confidence in science is low and experts are cautious, more politicians. Immunization efforts for young people are already being attacked through large numbers of undecided parents. And efforts to combat the COVID epidemic in the United States have been clumsy and chaotic at best, making Americans doubt the competence of their governments and institutions.
There’s still fear. “Possibly it would be an old-fashioned fool, but I think a lot of other people will appreciate a vaccine, if the launch is well done,” said David Oshinsky, a history professor at New York University and “Polio: An American Story,” a Pulitzer Prize-winning story. “Most people are desperately afraid of COVID. A minority mocks the nose, many for political reasons. How will you replace that when there is a vaccine that [hopefully] adjusts the fitness threat equation to a certain extent?”
Recent polls show that only a portion of Americans are determined to be vaccinated against COVID-19. These numbers can be replaced depending on a series of points that are difficult to predict, Berkeley’s Conis said.
“A lot of other people will be looking ahead to get it,” he said. “Many will hesitate, not only for misinformation, but also for a lack of confidence in the current administration.”
When a coronavirus vaccine is introduced, it can be sold as individual protection, even for young and healthy people. But those who suffer the most from the virus are older or sicker. An effective vaccination crusade can be useful in instilling a sense of solidarity or altruism, as well as a more general feeling than without vaccination, the economy cannot recover.
“I don’t know if other people settle for this solidarity,” Orenstein said. “People are looking more for what is smart for themselves than what is smart for society.” That said, the threat of COVID-19 to other young people “is not zero”. That’s one of the main tactics to sell that, in a sense. “
We inspire organizations to republish our content free of charge. Here’s what we asked:
You must credit us as the original publisher, with a link to our site khn.org. If possible, come with the original(s) and Kaiser Health News at the signature. Please keep the links in the story.
It is vital to note that everything in khn.org cannot be republished. If a story is classified as “All Rights Reserved”, we cannot grant permission to republish that item.
Do you have any questions? Let us know [email protected]
Thank you for your interest in supporting Kaiser Health News (KHN), the country’s premier nonprofit fitness and fitness policy writing room. We distribute our journalism without fees and advertising through media partners of all sizes and in small, giant communities. We appreciate all the participation bureaucracy of our readers and listeners, and we appreciate your support.
KHN is an editorially independent program of KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). You can KHN by making a contribution to KFF, a nonprofit that is not related to Kaiser Permanente.
Click the button below the KFF donation page that will provide more information and FAQs. Thank you!