South and Southeast Asia have had combined effects in fighting the coronavirus pandemic, but the COVID-19 pandemic has been a political boon for bigoted leaders. destroy political establishments and norms and attack civil liberties. ) These politicians come with leaders like Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, elected in elections, and more autocratic leaders like Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, whose elections have been increasingly liberal and unfair. Intolerant leaders in South and Southeast Asia, many of them bigoted populists, have used the pandemic as an opportunity to consolidate their political and economic power, whether or not those movements contribute to genuine public adequacy responses.
South and Southeast Asia have experienced some of the most excessive democratic regressions related to COVID-19 in the world. Even before the coronavirus outbreak, political polarization, intolerant populism and intolerance, the legacy of authoritarian rule, and continued influence emerged. of the army in politics were undermining democratic politics in those regions. And the fight against COVID-19 requires certain restrictions on freedom, at least until an effective vaccine is available. Indeed, even some long-standing democracies in evolved regions have struggled to strike a balance between addressing public health issues and protecting citizens’ freedoms. Meanwhile, while the world’s media remains the target of the pandemic, democratic regression in emerging countries is receiving less attention.
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It will be necessary to counter the consolidation of political influence in the era of COVID-19 to ensure that politicians cannot use the pandemic to accumulate more power frequently. Across South and Southeast Asia, advocates of democratic norms and establishments deserve safe help. and making sure that, even if leaders have amassed sweeping powers to fight the pandemic, those powers are limited in time and plans to return to political normalcy are in place. In countries where the number of COVID-19 cases and deaths has been relatively low, such as Malaysia and Thailand, rights advocates and democratic establishments deserve to use street protests, parliamentary sessions and social media, with appropriate physical precautions, to put pressure on governments. In states that have failed to handle COVID-19 well, warring parties deserve to point out those mistakes and show that restricting political freedoms does not lead to better public health outcomes.
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External actors also have a role to play. The United States cooperates very well in those regions with freer countries, and many intolerant leaders, such as Philippines Rodrigo Duterte, have proven to be fickle and deceptive partners. Major democracies, which for decades have promoted democratic substitution in South and Southeast Asia, deserve to highlight flaws in the concept that authoritarian states can better cope with COVID-19, deserve regional democrats, and deserve to reject efforts through primary autocracies to recommend that authoritarian leaders, and not democracies, be effective in the fight against COVID-19.
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