About Brexit and Covid, Boris Johnson will have to combine and avoid wasting our acceptance as true with Andrew Vine

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How Yorkshire Dales businesses are for the tourist boom of all creatures, giants and small . . .

This is usually a consultation that is made to exhausted, battered management for years in force and breathless, which has been in force for less than 12 months.

But in the year since Boris Johnson first entered Yorkshire as prime minister on a scale last September, the confidence factor in his governance technique has become increasingly pressing.

It is only a matter of managing the pandemic, even if it generates sufficient confidence, and also of the government’s willingness to violate foreign law by renounging a treaty freely signed with the EU on Brexit.

And it turns out to be a cynical enthusiasm for making public servants a scapegoat for government messes by firing them or making their positions so unsustainable that they give up, that the duty to warn with ministers who deserve to lose their jobs when politics comes into play. disorder as he did. A-level results.

All this undermines confidence at a time when public confidence in our politics is already at an all-time low due to the prolonged agony surrounding Brexit and, worryingly, the Prime Minister shows no sign of being at least disturbed by the sense of deprivation. Throughout his career, Johnson has been pursued on accusations that he is cunning, says what he believes is right right at the moment, and lacks details.

These characteristics are at the heart of what poses a serious challenge of trust for your government: the motion is there in negotiations with the EU, disbelief, and even outrage, in the face of a plan to break an agreement on border arrangements for Northern Ireland. are artificial.

Violation of foreign law simply cannot be accepted through a British government, let alone a party government that historically defends its defense, giving any prime minister a break when heavyweight predecessors like Sir John Major and Tony Blair condemn the resolution as shameful. , with his complaint echoing those of Theresa May and Michael Howard.

Johnson’s tendency to say the right thing to deflect the complaint rather than take action that affects the effects is rooted in Johnson’s handling of the pandemic.

At first it looked like he had control. Inevitably, since this is an unprecedented crisis in fashionable times, mistakes were made, but the Prime Minister took the country with him. But judgmental errors have evolved into a style of indecision and adjustments in direction that undermine trust.

Last week’s announcement of a “lunar” mass testing policy came just hours after Johnson, when it was obvious that the generation on which it was based did not yet exist.

The verification regime in its current form does not fit its purpose, with missed goals, disorders with processing effects and the absurdity of ordering others to check centres many miles from home.

The announcement through Covid’s bailiffs to monitor other people’s meetings also turned to dust when it became transparent that no cash was given to the tips to pay for them and that they would have no executing powers.

The country doesn’t want eye-catching ads, but it’s measured so that a formula it just doesn’t paint does what it should do.

But it’s almost as if the themes are more than reality, than if there are enough storefronts, no one will notice that the store has empty shelves.

However, the public realizes. Why, rightly, families are wondering, they are not allowed to meet in teams of more than six people, even if none shows any symptoms of illness, when a much larger number is in the workplace, on public transport or in pubs and restaurants?

People are aware that other countries are doing much more than Britain in controlling the virus, adding Sweden, which has almost returned to normal.

The dazzling and incompetent functions of the extra Commons undermine Mr. Johnson. Or, more specifically, do you mind? A large majority in the House of Commons and long before a new election protects it from any immediate fear of the consequences of a loss of public confidence in its own functionality and that of the government.

But he cares. Trust is at the heart of fair government and Britain’s relations with other countries, especially in a post-Brexit world. Johnson wastes it at his own risk, as well as in the country.

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thank you

James Mitchinson

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